In short, Trump is conducting a military operation to save our Republic.
Note the executive orders, changing of personnel at the pentagon/DoD, alleged inaction of the DOJ, and a pardon.
Trump’s operation has 3 parts:
1.) The main effort - alerting the general public to the massive electoral fraud. Done. See hearings in front of state legislatures
2.) The visible supporting effort - Lawsuits at various levels. In progress.
3.) The key supporting effort - military intelligence and confessions. To be announced, you’ll know it when it happens.
“...
The key supporting effort
This third effort, for which we may discern the potential without having yet seen specific evidence, is the one Hollywood would make a movie out of. It’s about concrete particulars, clashing interests, and action (who knows, there might be a good car-chase in it somewhere). I have no idea if it involves a server raid in Germany, or some of the other exotic allegations making the rounds out there. Fortunately, this analysis doesn’t depend on such specifics.
The premise of the key supporting effort is that the U.S. government has been making use of tools we know it has, to gather intelligence on conditions that pose an obvious threat to U.S. national security.
There are several such conditions, and some of them – unfolding domestically – might have been picked up by law enforcement months ago, if not earlier. Planning to move ballots from one state to another, potentially an interstate conspiracy to commit vote fraud, would be one such condition. There are others, mostly involving planning and funding that would cross state lines.
But being cued to these conditions and their possibilities probably depended, at some point, on alertment from the links of major voting system vendors to foreign interests. Some of these links have been known, to the public as well as to experts and members of Congress, for more than a decade.
One such link is that between the Smartmatic voting software company and Venezuela. Prior to 2016, Democrats were as apt to be concerned about it as Republicans; indeed, as recently as 2018, Democrats like Elizabeth Warren pointed out undeniable vulnerabilities in the Smartmatic software which facilitate vote tampering. The Smartmatic company was founded in Boca Raton by a small handful of dual-citizen entrepreneurs whose expertise was in deploying voting software that cooked votes for Hugo Chavez in Venezuela – something reported and well-known in the U.S. long before Sidney Powell obtained an affidavit for her Georgia lawsuit from an individual with direct knowledge of Smartmatic’s history.
Smartmatic software is used in both the Dominion Voting Systems machines and those of Election Systems & Software (ES&S). The user manual published for Dominion machines used in Colorado for recent elections in fact described the very vulnerabilities of the systems to on-site tampering as if they were a feature and not a bug. It has been astoundingly well known that these weaknesses are present in hundreds of voting machines used across America, and that they were originally designed to help Hugo Chavez manipulate votes electronically.
But the point for this third line of campaign effort is that the vulnerability, combined with its foreign connection, could justifiably be seen as a national security issue. Persisting for years, it could well have been exploited for some time, with the intention – on someone’s part, foreign or domestic – to keep exploiting it.
So also could be seen the history of Dominion Voting Systems; i.e., as a national security issue. Dominion, which was formed in Canada by a Canadian entrepreneur, began selling in the United States as a U.S. subsidiary of the Canadian company. Nothing particular would necessarily be alarming about that. But after U.S. voting systems were added to the list of “critical national infrastructure” in early January 2017, at the very end of the Obama administration, Dominion went on a tear, getting hundreds of its machines installed across the country between January 2017 and the mid-term election of November 2018.
In this period, the U.S. subsidiary of Dominion was bought out by Staple Street Capital, a private equity firm started by veterans of the Washington-insider (very insider) Carlyle Group and Cerberus Capital.
But the following year, in September 2019, a debt-instrument filing in Canada showed that a number of patents involving the software that facilitates vote manipulation in Dominion machines had remained with the Canadian parent company, and had been used as collateral to borrow from HSBC Canada. The patents are granted by the United States, so this assignment prompted a patent action record in the U.S.
HSBC, of course, has long been a usual suspect in international money-laundering and involvement in financing drug cartels, terrorism, and arms proliferation (here and here, for starters). That alone is enough to perk up an honest FBI or Homeland Security analyst.
But about a year later, the Staple Street Capital firm launched a new private equity line, Staple Street Capital III, which engaged as its placement agent UBS Securities Co. Ltd., a subsidiary of the Swiss bank UBS that is 75% owned by the government of China. UBS Securities’ role in the transaction was to raise funds for the new private equity line. It obligingly did so, to the tune of $400 million according to a filing with the U.S. SEC on 8 October 2020.
This move does not equate to “China buying Dominion Voting Systems,” as it’s being depicted in some treatments. But it does equate to China getting awfully close to Dominion, and bearing a big bag of cash. There is no such thing in law enforcement intelligence as the assumption that separate equity lines run by the same people are magically sequestered from each other in terms of monetary influence.
Just the information in the last nine paragraphs – even with nothing else included – is enough to justify the kind of electronic information retrieval and surveillance the American public knows the U.S. government is well able to undertake.
And, as well-informed readers have no doubt been anxious for as many paragraphs now to point out, President Trump issued an executive order in September 2018, E.O. 13848, designating foreign threats to voting systems as a significant national security concern.
In hindsight, that E.O. fell just at the end of Dominion’s big run-up to the 2018 election, with its onslaught of system installations throughout much of the 50 states. It also fell a few weeks after the acquisition of Dominion by Staple Street Capital.
And the effect of the E.O. was to articulate the national security justification for the means of surveillance to monitor and track what was being done with the implicated voting infrastructure. In other words, whether the analysts were at Homeland Security (chartered with monitoring critical infrastructure), the FBI, Treasury, or even – for the foreign-power aspect of the problem – at CIA, they had presidential authority to pull trons and go to town.
A march through Georgia
If we know anything about Trump, we may reasonably guess that he’s had someone he trusts at the NSC level watching over the effort. The result could well be a devastating exposure of far more individuals in the U.S., as well as foreign operators, than anyone would imagine. It is by no means beyond the realm of possibility that many Democrats and even some Republicans, including elected officials, are on the list.
We need not add to the mix any inventive story lines about secret software being deployed to catch everyone in the act, to recognize that a supporting effort along these lines, using only the normal tools of government surveillance, would be something akin to Sherman’s March through Georgia as an accelerant to the main effort. (If Sidney Powell and fellow attorney Lin Wood are to be believed, the devastation will indeed march through Georgia.)
This third effort, the key supporting effort, is one we have all the conditions for. I don’t suggest that we have dispositive evidence of it at this point. But if we haven’t been doing it, our feckless sloth ought to be the subject of epic lament for centuries to come – because we should have been. The reasons for investigation and monitoring have been there, in spades, and no nation has ever been as well equipped with the means.
It’s an interesting question how such resulting information would be conveyed. It might be unveiled directly to the public. But if it implicates a lot of public officials or other high-profile individuals, they are almost certain to include associates of Joe Biden and Kamala Harris, starting with a laundry list from the DNC.
...”
Note the executive orders, changing of personnel at the pentagon/DoD, alleged inaction of the DOJ, and a pardon.
Trump’s operation has 3 parts:
1.) The main effort - alerting the general public to the massive electoral fraud. Done. See hearings in front of state legislatures
2.) The visible supporting effort - Lawsuits at various levels. In progress.
3.) The key supporting effort - military intelligence and confessions. To be announced, you’ll know it when it happens.
“...
The key supporting effort
This third effort, for which we may discern the potential without having yet seen specific evidence, is the one Hollywood would make a movie out of. It’s about concrete particulars, clashing interests, and action (who knows, there might be a good car-chase in it somewhere). I have no idea if it involves a server raid in Germany, or some of the other exotic allegations making the rounds out there. Fortunately, this analysis doesn’t depend on such specifics.
The premise of the key supporting effort is that the U.S. government has been making use of tools we know it has, to gather intelligence on conditions that pose an obvious threat to U.S. national security.
There are several such conditions, and some of them – unfolding domestically – might have been picked up by law enforcement months ago, if not earlier. Planning to move ballots from one state to another, potentially an interstate conspiracy to commit vote fraud, would be one such condition. There are others, mostly involving planning and funding that would cross state lines.
But being cued to these conditions and their possibilities probably depended, at some point, on alertment from the links of major voting system vendors to foreign interests. Some of these links have been known, to the public as well as to experts and members of Congress, for more than a decade.
One such link is that between the Smartmatic voting software company and Venezuela. Prior to 2016, Democrats were as apt to be concerned about it as Republicans; indeed, as recently as 2018, Democrats like Elizabeth Warren pointed out undeniable vulnerabilities in the Smartmatic software which facilitate vote tampering. The Smartmatic company was founded in Boca Raton by a small handful of dual-citizen entrepreneurs whose expertise was in deploying voting software that cooked votes for Hugo Chavez in Venezuela – something reported and well-known in the U.S. long before Sidney Powell obtained an affidavit for her Georgia lawsuit from an individual with direct knowledge of Smartmatic’s history.
Smartmatic software is used in both the Dominion Voting Systems machines and those of Election Systems & Software (ES&S). The user manual published for Dominion machines used in Colorado for recent elections in fact described the very vulnerabilities of the systems to on-site tampering as if they were a feature and not a bug. It has been astoundingly well known that these weaknesses are present in hundreds of voting machines used across America, and that they were originally designed to help Hugo Chavez manipulate votes electronically.
But the point for this third line of campaign effort is that the vulnerability, combined with its foreign connection, could justifiably be seen as a national security issue. Persisting for years, it could well have been exploited for some time, with the intention – on someone’s part, foreign or domestic – to keep exploiting it.
So also could be seen the history of Dominion Voting Systems; i.e., as a national security issue. Dominion, which was formed in Canada by a Canadian entrepreneur, began selling in the United States as a U.S. subsidiary of the Canadian company. Nothing particular would necessarily be alarming about that. But after U.S. voting systems were added to the list of “critical national infrastructure” in early January 2017, at the very end of the Obama administration, Dominion went on a tear, getting hundreds of its machines installed across the country between January 2017 and the mid-term election of November 2018.
In this period, the U.S. subsidiary of Dominion was bought out by Staple Street Capital, a private equity firm started by veterans of the Washington-insider (very insider) Carlyle Group and Cerberus Capital.
But the following year, in September 2019, a debt-instrument filing in Canada showed that a number of patents involving the software that facilitates vote manipulation in Dominion machines had remained with the Canadian parent company, and had been used as collateral to borrow from HSBC Canada. The patents are granted by the United States, so this assignment prompted a patent action record in the U.S.
HSBC, of course, has long been a usual suspect in international money-laundering and involvement in financing drug cartels, terrorism, and arms proliferation (here and here, for starters). That alone is enough to perk up an honest FBI or Homeland Security analyst.
But about a year later, the Staple Street Capital firm launched a new private equity line, Staple Street Capital III, which engaged as its placement agent UBS Securities Co. Ltd., a subsidiary of the Swiss bank UBS that is 75% owned by the government of China. UBS Securities’ role in the transaction was to raise funds for the new private equity line. It obligingly did so, to the tune of $400 million according to a filing with the U.S. SEC on 8 October 2020.
This move does not equate to “China buying Dominion Voting Systems,” as it’s being depicted in some treatments. But it does equate to China getting awfully close to Dominion, and bearing a big bag of cash. There is no such thing in law enforcement intelligence as the assumption that separate equity lines run by the same people are magically sequestered from each other in terms of monetary influence.
Just the information in the last nine paragraphs – even with nothing else included – is enough to justify the kind of electronic information retrieval and surveillance the American public knows the U.S. government is well able to undertake.
And, as well-informed readers have no doubt been anxious for as many paragraphs now to point out, President Trump issued an executive order in September 2018, E.O. 13848, designating foreign threats to voting systems as a significant national security concern.
In hindsight, that E.O. fell just at the end of Dominion’s big run-up to the 2018 election, with its onslaught of system installations throughout much of the 50 states. It also fell a few weeks after the acquisition of Dominion by Staple Street Capital.
And the effect of the E.O. was to articulate the national security justification for the means of surveillance to monitor and track what was being done with the implicated voting infrastructure. In other words, whether the analysts were at Homeland Security (chartered with monitoring critical infrastructure), the FBI, Treasury, or even – for the foreign-power aspect of the problem – at CIA, they had presidential authority to pull trons and go to town.
A march through Georgia
If we know anything about Trump, we may reasonably guess that he’s had someone he trusts at the NSC level watching over the effort. The result could well be a devastating exposure of far more individuals in the U.S., as well as foreign operators, than anyone would imagine. It is by no means beyond the realm of possibility that many Democrats and even some Republicans, including elected officials, are on the list.
We need not add to the mix any inventive story lines about secret software being deployed to catch everyone in the act, to recognize that a supporting effort along these lines, using only the normal tools of government surveillance, would be something akin to Sherman’s March through Georgia as an accelerant to the main effort. (If Sidney Powell and fellow attorney Lin Wood are to be believed, the devastation will indeed march through Georgia.)
This third effort, the key supporting effort, is one we have all the conditions for. I don’t suggest that we have dispositive evidence of it at this point. But if we haven’t been doing it, our feckless sloth ought to be the subject of epic lament for centuries to come – because we should have been. The reasons for investigation and monitoring have been there, in spades, and no nation has ever been as well equipped with the means.
It’s an interesting question how such resulting information would be conveyed. It might be unveiled directly to the public. But if it implicates a lot of public officials or other high-profile individuals, they are almost certain to include associates of Joe Biden and Kamala Harris, starting with a laundry list from the DNC.
...”
