Thank you for your response. I realize that you have already addressed some of these questions and your answers don't surprise me, but I am glad that we have a basis for further discussion. I have embedded my comments as appropriate.
I beg to differ. Feb. 9 has a lot of problems which have previously been discussed. Dec. 29 fits the evidence of the key individuals involved including Jerry, Mike, Allan Myers, Gary, Dr. Dranov and John McQueary. This second date change further erodes Mike's credibility and demonstrates that with a 6 week delay in his report to Joe that it wasn't with the urgency that you would expect to see in a report of child sexual assault.
I agree with you that Mike did not witness a sexual assult and that he was uncomfortable with what he saw.
I agree. The Freeh Report is a farce and should not used as a basis for any decisions. On the contrary, I believe an investigation should be commenced to get to the bottom of how it came to be that the Penn State BOT commissioned this fraud and how they were able to avoid scrutiny of their misdeeds.
Agreed.
I agree with John Snedden. I don't believe Mike is at all credible. He has told too many different versions of what he saw. I don't believe he witnessed sodomy and I don't believe he witnessed something sexual.
I agree with you. V2 is known and his initials are AM. However, I don't believe McGettigan believed the words he made in the closing arguments. I believe that he knew that the OAG had interviewed AM, that AM had made a statement to Curtis Everhart saying he was not abused in the shower and was never abused by Jerry, and that AM's lawyer was Andrew Shubin. I believe the OAG was pleased that AM wasn't called to testify at the trial. I believe that Amendola's decision not to call AM was one of the biggest blunders that the defense made.
Agree with you 100%. I can't believe that Judge Foradora and the Superior Court panel who heard the appeal would use this as a basis for denying Sandusky's PCRA.
They were working in concert. The Freeh Group had to get OAG permission to interview witnesses. The Freeh Group shared grand jury information from Freeh, and you can bet that Freeh told the OAG everything that Laura Pauley said in her interview and knew she would be a slam dunk vote for Sandusky's guilt. In fact, the OAG should have disclosed they were collaborating with Freeh and that Pauley had been interviewed by Freeh. The McChesney diary documents the shenanigans.
I agree that she was biased and that there is no way she should have been on the jury panel. I believe it was juror tampering that the OAG was able to finagle her on the jury and that there should be consequences for this misconduct.
I don't believe Gladwell is biased in his view of the case. I believe that he also consulted with Ray Blehar (Ray is cited in the book) and made his own independent judgments. Please detail what you believe about Ziegler's date theory that you believe is wrong.
I believe that Pendergrast know what he is talking about in this case. Please detail the outright lies that you believe that Pendergrast has made and the most important things that he omitted that don't support his theories.
I agree, Snedden's Spanier investigation was not flawed and that he was not commissioned to investigate the charges against Sandusky. However, in his investigation of Spanier he found that Mike McQueary was not a credible witness and that there was not a cover-up or conspiracy by senior members of the Penn State administration. In doing so, he was not aware of any credible information that was not subject to manipulation that Sandusky was a pedophile and without a doubt that Sandusky deserves a new trial.
By Ralph Cipriano for BigTrial.net When he was investigating cold cases for NCIS, Special Agent John Snedden knew you always have to st...
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Maybe unpersuasive to you, but not to me and Gary Schultz. Nobody would be able to characterize the campus as quiet on the night of a big concert at the BJC.
The hockey arena is a lot closer to the Lasch building than the BJC.
I believe Jerry. Please listen to episode 5 of WTBOH, where in Ziegler's prison interview, Sandusky discusses the 1998 incident starting about 16:45. At around the 18 minute mark, he states that his concern was what happens to ZK. He asked Lauro/Shreffler if it was alright to take ZK to a Penn State game. Lauro/Shreffler said yes he could take ZK to a game but that he shouldn't work out or shower with him.
Podcast Episode · With the Benefit of Hindsight... · 05/04/2021 · 2h 12m
podcasts.apple.com
Freeh again
In an episode entitled
A Smoking Gun? Part 1, Nichols charged that rather than serve Penn State, the client that paid him $8 million to investigate the sex scandal, former FBI Director Louis Freeh's main motivation was to "ingratiate himself with the NCAA," so he could become their "go-to investigator" for future collegiate scandals.
"He [Freeh] sold his client Penn State down the river in anticipation of making big bucks in the form of further business from the NCAA," Nichols said. Then, after the Freeh Report issued its faulty conclusions on Penn State based on nonexistent facts, Nichols said, "the vultures . . . swooped down on this sad case to make political hay out of this case, or to make big bucks out of the case."
The vultures were preying on "a board of trustees that had an open checkbook," Nichols said. "I think that's despicable."
"Careers were ruined, people were fired, peoples' reputations were destroyed," Nichols said. And it was all "based on a series of accusations that Freeh did not have evidence for, and knew that he did not have evidence for."
When the scandal hit, the trustees, many of whom were corporate leaders, adopted a "standard corporate model" for dealing with scandal, Nichols said.
The plan was to "fire a lot of people, scapegoat a lot of people, to express maximum contrition regardless of not having the facts to support that," Nichols said. And to "pay huge sums of money so the problem goes away."
As disclosed previously on Big Trial, Penn State paid out
$118 million to 36 alleged victims of abuse. They gave away the cash without checking to see whether the alleged victims had criminal records [a third of them did]. The trustees also didn't do anything to vet any of the outlandish and often contradictory tales by the claimants. None of the alleged victims were interviewed by detectives, deposed by lawyers, examined by psychiatrists, or subjected to polygraph tests.
Instead, the university's board of trustees just wrote out lottery checks that averaged more than $3 million each.
"This is someone body else's money," Nichols said, so it's "easy for them [the trustees] to pay off settlements without substantive backup because its not their money and they don't have to worry about it."
As far as the board of trustees is concerned, "it's been radio silence since then," Nichols said. "The board has taken the position to look the other way, to let sleeping dogs lie. To keep it buried, to keep it quiet and to hope that the whole unfortunate mess goes away."
Nichols has his own first-hand experiences with Louie Fresh's team of investigators, who interviewed Nichols four times. The tenor of the interviews still rankles Nichols.
"A lot of their questions were accusatory," he said; "It was not looking for the truth." Instead, Fresh's investigators were looking for "evidence or information that might support a predetermined conclusion that would scapegoat certain individuals," he said. Or support the "highly inflammatory and highly accusatory" claims that Freeh made at his press conference announcing the findings of his report.
For example, Nichols said, Fresh's investigators asked him, since he was a campus insider, at what point did he know about Sandusky's sex crimes. Nichols insisted that he didn't know anything about the subject.
But Freeh's guys weren't buying it. Their attitude was, "Obviously you knew as well, everybody knew," Nichols said. "It led me to believe . . . that they had already reached the conclusion that everybody knew that Sandusky was doing this but they were looking the other way to protect football. They had already reached the conclusion," he said, and they "wanted me to verify that."
But when Nichols read the Freeh Report, "the evidence [for a cover up] wasn't there," Nichols said. "I was taken back, I was shocked."
"It became clear to me," he said, that "the executive summary and Freeh's oral comments [at his press conference] were wild accusations that had no basis in factual support in the main report."
"His goal was not to find the truth and help Penn State, the people who paid him to $8 million to do this, but to build a case like a prosecutor, but without evidence or with flimsy evidence."
John Snedden, the former NCIS special agent who hosted the podcast, said it was clear from email exchanges and a copy of Freeh's preliminary report that Freeh didn't care that he was making unfounded accusations. In the emails, and in handwritten notes on a preliminary draft of the report, Fresh's own investigators pointed out that Freeh's accusations had no basis in facts or evidence.
But Freeh made his unfounded accusations anyway, because, according to Freeh's own emails, the "media was clamoring for what he intended to say," Snedden said.
Nichols recalled that Freeh's investigators were also "pretty intimidating" when they interviewed him.
"It was made clear to all that were interviewed [that] we must cooperate fully and freely with the Freeh investigators at the cost of our employment," Nichols said.
Snedden described the interviews conducted by Fresh's team of investigators as an "exercise in support of their predetermined conclusions."
Nichols said when he talked it over with his senior colleagues, "Every faculty senate chair came to the same conclusion that the Freeh report in our view was at odds with the truth." But that didn't stop the NCAA with issuing "huge, massive, unprecedented sanctions based on the Freeh Report," Nichols said.
When a group of former faculty Senate chairs put out a joint statement attacking the conclusions of the Freeh Report, "the board of trustees, they didn't care," Nichols said. "They didn't want to be knocked off their story line." Ditto for the media, Nichols said.
Nichols said it was "outrageous" for the NCAA to hire Freeh and his investigators as employees.
But he added, "I think the NCAA lost its moral compass long before they hired Louie Freeh."
About Graham Spanier, Nichols said, "they destroyed a great university president's career based on a hyperbolic, mean spirited, sell interested fact-void report."
And that's just the first episode of the podcast, which concludes that the Freeh Report found no smoking gun at Penn State, nor any evidence to backup their claims that it was Penn State's football-mad culture that inspired university officials to cover up and look the other way when it came to Sandusky's alleged crimes against children.
In the
Smoking Gun? Part 2, Snedden and Nichols continued the discussion. Nichols said the unfounded charges in the Freeh Report, such as that Penn State "had a culture of supporting football over the well being of their own children."
"That's what Freeh alleged and that's what the NCAA parroted," Nichols said. It led to a "media feeding frenzy," the idea that the Penn State community "was so corrupt as to throw their children to the lions to protect football."