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Latest in Paterno v NCAA

Well, let me say that from all accounts Adolf Hitler was devoted, kind and truly loved his mother. Am I now a Nazi? Have I condoned genocide?
AL commended Ira on his leadership in ONE meeting. Therefore, he must be a sellout?
No, but when you say Hitler was devoted, kind, and truly loved his mother- therefore, we praise his leadership and vote in favor of him becoming Fuhrer and leading the Fatherland, that does make it a bit different once the Nazis invade Poland and they start building death camps.
 
lol, that's a pretty selective memory on your part. there are things that are still in litigation that I can't disclose. it's been that way for far longer than I expected, but I don't control the judicial schedules. Excluding things that I can't disclose, I've been rather forthcoming with a lot of details, or when I can't be that direct, at least guiding folks in the proper direction.



I don't think we're going to find agreement here.



So the individual who surmised something that I've indicated is incorrect also a) doesn't seem to understand why I can't disclose more than I have, and b) doesn't seem to realize that I've provided a hint. Imagine that.



Nobody that I know that is on the inside of various aspects of this issue expected things to take as long as they have. It has caused frustration for quite a few people. I get that, and have a lot of sympathy for folks that feel they are at or near their breaking point.

As frustrated as fans may be, try for a minute to imagine the members of the Paterno family, or C/S/S and their families. While many of them do have times where it's tough to believe that their respective aspects of the issue have not yet been resolved, for the most part they are more than happy to wait out the process. It seems to be a combination of a) not having any control over the process, and b) a supreme belief that at the end of it they will be vindicated.

Their confidence, and their approach to things, is good enough for me, and helps me to be patient.

Hope that helps.
Lead me to the HINT please!
 
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"No" vs "Aye"

How freaking hard is that to understand?

How many false premise, asinine, logic-bending, gymnastics are going to be employed to defend the indefensible

The exact BS excuses, for the exact BS actions that have been used for years by the Scoundrels and their Sycophants.......now being used ad infinitum to try to defend/excuse the overwhelming number of "fiduciary failure" events on the part of the A9

Sad
 
Most likely there were numerous members of the board that asked people to keep this quiet because of there second mile affiliations. I have been going back and reading some "bagwell", the double entendre intended, files; my conclusion being the EC knew.
 
Agreed, without knowing precisely what act, or what statement(s), AL was referring to from the Executive Session, it is difficult to comment upon. He is clearly refering to IL's actions during that morning's ES, what precisely he is referring to is impossible to know.

I was referring to a very specific matter that was discussed in Executive Session. I won't share the discussion, for now.

Check back after September 17th.

By the way, no deals have been brokered by Ira Lubert with the alumni-elected Trustees.
 
I was referring to a very specific matter that was discussed in Executive Session. I won't share the discussion, for now.

Check back after September 17th.

By the way, no deals have been brokered by Ira Lubert with the alumni-elected Trustees.
Possibly Lubert promised to honor JVP on September 17th, the 50th anniversary of his first game, otherwise why the "check back after September 17th"?
 
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I was referring to a very specific matter that was discussed in Executive Session. I won't share the discussion, for now.

Check back after September 17th.

By the way, no deals have been brokered by Ira Lubert with the alumni-elected Trustees.

I am thoroughly baffled. Anthony, I have trusted you more than anybody in this whole battle. I hope that the reference is not a superficial BOT ackowledgement of Joe.
 
I was referring to a very specific matter that was discussed in Executive Session. I won't share the discussion, for now.

Check back after September 17th.

By the way, no deals have been brokered by Ira Lubert with the alumni-elected Trustees.

I'll take you at your word, truly - - you deserve as much.
FWIW, I - personally - echo Connorpuzlee's sentiments wrt your body of work on the BOT.

So then, taking you at your word:
All of the elected TTEEs decided that it was simply in the best interests of the University and its stakeholders to approve of Ira Lubert as the BOT Chair?

OK, then.

Super!
 
If AL and the other A9 sold out for a Paterno honor/statue, then It is confirmed they don't get it. That would only cement the national storyline that it was all about football and not about finding the truth.
Don't forget:

Ira already - purely coincidental to the "vote" :) - allowed Al Lord to sit in one of the nice high back leather seats from now on .......his - purely coincindental :) - appointment of Lord to a seat in the Exec Committee

For those who have forgotten - which apparently includes every one of the A9 - when Ira wanted the "unanimous approval" of his funding for the Sandusky Settlement Star Chamber (the genesis for the ENTIRE $100,000,000 payoff fiasco - the one that allowed Lubert to buy his, and his cohorts, a Get-Out-Of-Jail-Free-Card, with our money)......
His bribe to the alumni Trustees was to appoint Adam Tali to the committee

Deja Vu all over again?

It would be laughable - if it were not so horrendously damaging

I'll say this, when we get sold down the river - we get sold cheap
 
I have to agree with most. This is not and has never been about Joe. This is very much about pissing away a half billion unecesarily. This is about taking accountability for the worst pr and crisis management in 2011. This is about refuting freehs opinion piece of shite. This is about standing up to the ncaa. This is about transparency. This is about confronting and embracing the truth.
 
I have to agree with most. This is not and has never been about Joe. This is very much about pissing away a half billion unecesarily. This is about taking accountability for the worst pr and crisis management in 2011. This is about refuting freehs opinion piece of shite. This is about standing up to the ncaa. This is about transparency. This is about confronting and embracing the truth.


I believe there was no deal. It is laughable to think the A9 was in position to make a deal.

I believe the A9 was TOLD.

I believe they were told what they were going to get, and that they were told that they were going to like it.

Occam's Razor: Applied.

The cover up of the truth will continue.

We have people posting here regularly who are more valuable in the fight for truth than any of the A9 could ever be.
 
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Would it not be much more simple just to list the names of all individuals and organizations who had input in, or tried to have input in, or tried to put a word in....to the November 2011 deliberations of the BOT? All of them. Without exception.

I mean wouldn't that be simple? Just name the names. Oh, and be honest about how the names might have influenced individual BOT members.

It seems to me that anybody who has a problem with that suggestion is.....part of the problem. And, it also seems to me that, until this simple thing is accomplished, we will never have the full truth.
 
Maybe we should all cool it instead of jumping to conclusions about the date and the tribute to Joe being the reason. There is another meeting of the board on the 15th-16th. How about an alternative reason which may be only one of many....

Possibly by then the review of the Freeh report and the related documents will be completed. What happens if at that time they vote on releasing the report and the documents to the Paternos or CSS or the public in their promise of transparency?

While I doubt the above will happen, if it doesn't then maybe the A9 makes a decision to sacrifice one of its own and releases it anyway because they want to and have legal backing that it is their fiduciary obligation to do so. Sure that person might be kicked of the board for doing so but could also get legal counsel to defend the position. Or, opps it slipped just like the the Grand Jury Presentment...Sorry it was a technical error with the server. I old, I am not good with all of this computer stuff....

Who knows? It could be a variety of things. Its been five years and we have had a slow but steady trickle of information coming out. The information that was deemed credible was all positive towards CSS and Paterno and the credible negative information was negative towards the OGBoT and the NCAA and Freeh.

The 17th is right around the corner relatively speaking. Hold your horses and let's see what happens.

Finally, I would like my fellow defenders of the good guys to remember that AL and the A9 are spending quite of bit of their own time and money executing all of this for our University and for all of us. Throwing rocks at the guys doing the work is just wrong. Who among us is ready to take the time and effort to get elected, spend the time required away from their jobs and spend their own money to fight this Mob that has tarnished all of us?

Who?
 
I believe there was no deal. It is laughable to think the A9 was in position to make a deal.

I believe the A9 was TOLD.

I believe they were told what they were going to get, and that they were told that they were going to like it.

Occam's Razor: Applied.

The cover up of the truth will continue.

We have people posting here regularly who are more valuable in the fight for truth than any of the A9 could ever be.

Well I believe you are correct in that there was no deal between the A9 and Ira, especially since AL posted as much earlier today. ;)
 
Maybe we should all cool it instead of jumping to conclusions about the date and the tribute to Joe being the reason. There is another meeting of the board on the 15th-16th. How about an alternative reason which may be only one of many....

Possibly by then the review of the Freeh report and the related documents will be completed. What happens if at that time they vote on releasing the report and the documents to the Paternos or CSS or the public in their promise of transparency?

While I doubt the above will happen, if it doesn't then maybe the A9 makes a decision to sacrifice one of its own and releases it anyway because they want to and have legal backing that it is their fiduciary obligation to do so. Sure that person might be kicked of the board for doing so but could also get legal counsel to defend the position. Or, opps it slipped just like the the Grand Jury Presentment...Sorry it was a technical error with the server. I old, I am not good with all of this computer stuff....

Who knows? It could be a variety of things. Its been five years and we have had a slow but steady trickle of information coming out. The information that was deemed credible was all positive towards CSS and Paterno and the credible negative information was negative towards the OGBoT and the NCAA and Freeh.

The 17th is right around the corner relatively speaking. Hold your horses and let's see what happens.

Finally, I would like my fellow defenders of the good guys to remember that AL and the A9 are spending quite of bit of their own time and money executing all of this for our University and for all of us. Throwing rocks at the guys doing the work is just wrong. Who among us is ready to take the time and effort to get elected, spend the time required away from their jobs and spend their own money to fight this Mob that has tarnished all of us?

Who?
Yep....focus on the known facts:

Every one of the A9 voted - acting as our proxies - to approve of Lubert as Chair of the BOT.
 
It is September 15-16.
Hence -

I would hope this is more about what we will see from the next BOT meeting, than about Joe. I want and think Joe deserves to be honored, but that by itself won't do much for me without some mea culpa form many
 
Well I believe you are correct in that there was no deal between the A9 and Ira, especially since AL posted as much earlier today. ;)

Of course, some esteemed posters here have declared that Anthony cannot be trusted because, you know, they weren't at the Executive Board meeting in July and therefore, you know, have no idea what actually transpired.
 
Of course, some esteemed posters here have declared that Anthony cannot be trusted because, you know, they weren't at the Executive Board meeting in July and therefore, you know, have no idea what actually transpired.
"Some"? Maybe I have "some" folks on ignore....because I haven't seen ANY posters making such claims.
 
I was referring to a very specific matter that was discussed in Executive Session. I won't share the discussion, for now.

Check back after September 17th.

By the way, no deals have been brokered by Ira Lubert with the alumni-elected Trustees.

Oh goody goody gumdrop! All we have to do now is wait until after September 17th.

Howcum I feel like a donkey chasing after the carrot at the end of the stick?

BTW, I'm sure everything Ira told the elected trustees is the absolute truth.

Well, maybe now everything.
 
I watched Sandusky going into court and thought to myself that if somehow he got out of jail Joe Paterno would be the only person to be held responsible for Sandusky's crimes. That would be something that would truly tell us that the Apocalypse is upon us.

I get the impression many posters are unaware of all that has happened.

For example; In the late 90's I worked for a major water treatment company, a large one like, but not, U.S. Filter and we were engineering and quoting on business at UCONN on several water projects. I was in the room and it was very clear that these projects were a cluesterfu#k from the start and when we were told that we would have to pay if we expected to get any contracts. We walked away. A guy named Mark Emmert was the Provost and Chancellor for Academic Affairs. The project was so corrupt that in it's essence was a total failure. Later companies failed, people committed suicide and Krugerrands were dug up in peoples back yard. All factual.

This was long before Emmert would act against Penn State, but when it hit the fan I remembered. I will leave it to Wikipedia to fill in the blanks for you
.

From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia

Mark Allen Emmert (born December 16, 1952) is the current president of the National Collegiate Athletic Association. He is the fifth CEO of the NCAA; he was named as the incoming president on April 27, 2010 and assumed his duties on November 1, 2010.

Emmert was previously the 30th president of the University of Washington, his alma mater, taking office in June 2004, becoming the first alumnus in 48 years to lead the UW. He left Washington on October 1, 2010, having announced his departure for the NCAA Executive Directorship on April 27, 2010.

Before Emmert became president of the University of Washington, he was chancellor at Louisiana State University and held faculty and administration positions at the University of Connecticut, Montana State University, and University of Colorado.

Montana State University
Emmert served as Provost and Vice President for Academic Affairs at Montana State University from 1991 to 1995. In this role, he, along with the vice president for research, Robert Swenson, led a successful effort to increase research funding at the university, particularly from the National Science Foundation. He also worked with Congressional leaders to gain support for new agricultural research facilities on campus and distance learning programs.

The NCAA ruled that Montana State was guilty of a "lack of institutional control" in 1993 — the same time Emmert belonged to the university's senior management team, along with Jim Isch, a former NCAA official. The case related to academic fraud involving an assistant men's basketball coach and a recruit. The NCAA didn't rule on the case until after Emmert left for UConn in 1995. Emmert had no involvement with the athletic programs in his role as Provost and was unaware of the investigation.[2]

University of Connecticut
Emmert joined the University of Connecticut in 1995 as Provost and was later promoted to the position of Chancellor for Academic Affairs, where he oversaw academic matters at the main campus in Storrs, as well as the regional campuses within the university system. He led a strategic planning effort that produced a facilities master plan for the Storrs campus, transforming the facilities on the campus with new buildings for students, faculty and research. Enrollment and research funding both increased during this time. During his tenure the university launched its first major fundraising campaign.

Emmert oversaw the first two years of a ten-year-long, $1 billion construction project, UConn 2000, that added many new academic buildings, residence halls and landscape projects to the Storrs campus, and new buildings and facilities to the regional campuses. UConn 2000 is widely credited with transforming the university. Some of the projects became controversial because of charges of mismanagement in the facilities and contracting services. These issues, which included more than $100 million lost due to mismanagement and more than 100 fire and safety code violations, did not come to light during Emmert's tenure. Something handwritten on Emmert's stationery in 1998 suggested he was aware of issues with the construction project. The project became the focus of a state investigation in 2005. Governor Rell called it "astonishing failure of oversight and management." Two administrators who oversaw the projects during this time were placed on leave and subsequently resigned six years after Emmert had left the university.[2]

Louisiana State University
Emmert was named Chancellor of LSU in 1999. He led the creation of the "Flagship Agenda," an effort credited with moving the university significantly forward in its standing as an academic institution. During his tenure the academic preparation of entering freshmen increased substantially. Enrollment from across the country increased as well. LSU's research profile improved as a result of new research initiatives, particularly in computer science. A number of academic construction projects commenced, including buildings and renovations for music and dramatic arts, marine biology and coastal studies, biology, residence halls, and the student union. Improvements were made to athletic facilities, including the renovation and expansion of Tiger Stadium, a new academic center, and a new state-of-the-art enclosure for the campus mascot, Mike the Tiger, that has become a major attraction for visitors to campus. State support for the university reached a then-historic high during Emmert's tenure.

In 1999, Emmert hired Nick Saban as football coach. LSU won the BCS Championship in 2004 under Saban's tutelage.

The graduation rate of the LSU football team, among the lowest in the SEC when Emmert arrived, was among the highest by 2004.

In 2001-02, a university instructor made accusations of academic fraud in the school's football program, including plagiarized papers and un-enrolled students showing up in class to take notes for football players. At the time, LSU was already on NCAA probation due to violations in the men's basketball program for violations that predated Emmert's employment. A university-led investigation into the academic fraud allegations found only minor violations. The report stated, "Despite isolated incidents, the allegations were largely unfounded." The NCAA accepted LSU's finding and self-imposed minor penalties (loss of two football scholarships) and declined to put the school on probation. Subsequently, two women sued the university for forcing them from their jobs as a result of whistleblowing about the academic fraud. The lawsuits were settled for $110,000 for each person. During the case, an employee of the academic counseling center confirmed the women's claims under oath, including changed grades for football players. A portion of Emmert's salary was paid by the LSU Foundation and the Tiger Athletic Foundation.[2]

University of Washington
Emmert was President of the University of Washington, his alma mater, from 2004 to 2010. During his tenure the university achieved its highest levels of research funding, private giving, and state support. Undergraduate student qualifications and graduation rates also hit record highs. The UW attracted more students globally and nationally. Emmert led the creation of the Husky Promise, a guarantee that tuition and fees would be covered for lower-income students from Washington state who were accepted to the UW. The UW also increased access for Washington students by expanding UW Bothell and UW Tacoma to academic offerings and facilities during Emmert's tenure. The UW Seattle campus was expanded with the purchase of the Safeco tower and property in the University District, adding about 500,000 square feet (46,000 m2) of building space. With Emmert as President, new facilities were created for the Foster School of Business, molecular engineering, bioengineering, and residential halls. Improvements were made to athletic facilities, culminating in the full renovation of Husky Stadium.

Emmert initiated an annual summit with the Native American tribal council leaders from throughout the State of Washington and the region to address educational and health concerns. He led the process that culminated in the construction of a Native American House of Knowledge on campus. The UW has been attentive to environmental and sustainability issues, and received numerous recognitions for its success during Emmert's tenure. Emmert was amongst the first 20 to sign the American College & University Presidents' Climate Commitment and is an active member of its Steering Committee.[3]

Under Emmert's tenure, the UW received more than $1 billion in grant and contract research funding for the fiscal year that ended June 30, 2007. This marked the first time the UW received more than $1 billion in funding for sponsored research in a single year. In his last year at the UW, research funding exceeding $1.5 billion. The UW has been the top public university in federal research funding since 1974, and among the top five universities, public and private, in federal funding since 1969. In recent years, it has been second only to The Johns Hopkins University.

In 2006, under Emmert's presidency, the university created the Department of Global Health and, in the spring of 2007, launched the Institute for Health Metrics and Evaluation. In August 2007, Emmert announced that the UW would open an office in Beijing to lay the groundwork for expanding the university's presence in China.[4] Emmert made the announcement during a campus visit by Zhou Wenzhong, ambassador of the People's Republic of China to the United States.

In January 2007, the fundraising goal for Campaign UW: Creating Futures was increased to $2.5 billion after the campaign reached its initial $2 billion goal 17 months ahead of schedule.[5] When the campaign ended on June 30, 2008, the total raised was more than $2.6 billion.[6] The UW received a number of transformational gifts during Emmert's presidency, including a gift in fall of 2007 from the Foster Family Foundation, leading to the business school at the Seattle campus being named the Michael G. Foster School of Business.

While at the University of Washington, Emmert was courted by the University of Wisconsin, the University of North Carolina - Chapel Hill, Cornell University, the University of California System, and the Louisiana State University System. In February 2008, he turned down an offer from Vanderbilt University that might have made him the highest-paid college leader in the nation.[7] Nevertheless, he was the second most highly compensated public university president in the nation, at $888,000 for 2007-2008.[8] In addition, he received $200,000 compensation for serving on the board of Expeditors International and $140,000 for serving on the board of Weyerhaeuser, giving him a total annual compensation of over $1.2 million.[9] In 2009, a year in which he turned down a pay increase offered by the Regents, Emmert's base salary at the University of Washington was $620,000 per year, but his total compensation package, including deferred compensation, was $906,500 annually, which made him the second highest earning public university president in the United States, behind Ohio State's Gordon Gee.[10]

Mark Emmert portrait painting by Michele Rushworth
National Collegiate Athletic Association[edit]
On April 27, 2010, Emmert was named President of the National Collegiate Athletic Association in Indianapolis, Indiana. He assumed his duties on November 1, 2010 and remains president today.

The NCAA is a voluntary membership association with over 1,100 universities and colleges, over 19,000 teams, and over 460,000 students. Through the Association, rules and policies governing college sports are established by all the colleges and universities through a representative form of decision-making.

Emmert entered the NCAA presidency during a period of dramatic change and controversy in college athletics. Over a four-year period, the member colleges and universities significantly increased support for Division I college athletes, including providing them with direct participation in, and voting positions on, the Board of Directors, the new DI Council, and within the Autonomy Group of conferences. Students can now be offered four-year scholarships rather than a single year scholarship as previously required. All restrictions on meals and food provided by schools have been lifted. Student athletes are now eligible to receive scholarship funds for the "full cost of attendance," which in most cases provides several thousand dollars per year in addition to tuition, fees, room and board, books and supplies. Greater emphasis is now placed on health and safety issues, including playing and practice rules.

As President, Emmert created the position of Chief Medical Officer (CMO) of the NCAA and the Sports Science Institute, hiring Dr. Brian Hainline to become the first CMO and director. Dr. Hainline has worked with member schools to establish new protocols and research efforts to improve student health and wellness. In 2014 the NCAA entered a partnership with the Department of Defense for the largest longitudinal study of concussion in history, funded by a $15 million contribution from the NCAA and $15 million from DoD.

In 2014 the NCAA Division I member universities, with Emmert's support, voted to change the system used to set their rules and policies so as to include greater input from athletic directors, faculty members, and senior women's athletics, in addition to the university and college presidents who are ultimately responsible for all policy and governance decisions. In 2012 the colleges and universities approved substantial changes to the compliance and oversight policies of the Association. Among other improvements, under Emmert's term, the Committee on Infractions, the body that determines penalties and sanctions for rules violations, was expanded to include former university presidents and legal scholars, among others.

UCONN tried to prosecute Emmert, but he had left UCONN before it hit the fan, well you can look the details on line.
 
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District Attorney Ray Gricar drops the ball

Posted on January 19th, 2013 in Keisling on Pennsylvania Politics, News and Commentary

#5 in a Series from the Jerry Sandusky Trial transcripts

By Bill Keisling

In 1998, young victims surrounded Jerry Sandusky.

Why didn’t DA Ray Gricar make a serious attempt to find and interview them?

The roles of the Pennsylvania Department of Public Welfare and Centre County Children and Youth Services also remain troubling and require an extensive public inquiry.

At the time of his strange disappearance in 2005, Centre County District Attorney Ray Gricar enjoyed a reputation as an honest, competent and no-nonsense law enforcement officer.

“Ray would prosecute his own mother,” or so goes the myth.

The record in Jerry Sandusky’s case forces a reexamination of Gricar’s career and reputation.

In the Sandusky case, Ray Gricar badly fell down on the job, and put an unknown number of young boys at risk.

On the evening of May 3, 1998, Jerry Sandusky drove 11-year-old Zach home after showering with the boy on the Penn State campus.

Zach’s mother, Deb McCord, that night attended an award banquet for a local volunteer group. She returned home shortly after Zach.

Zach told his mother he’d had a good time with Sandusky. Almost as an afterthought, on his way out of the room, the boy chattily told his mother, “We took a shower, just in case you’re wondering why my hair’s wet.”

His mother would say it was an odd habit of her son’s to “add topics he finds upsetting at the end of talk.”

She went to her son’s room a few minutes later to tuck him in to bed. She asked what happened.

“I knew you’d make a big deal out of it,” Zach told her. He didn’t want to get Sandusky in trouble. He wanted to go to the football games and sit on the bench. He wanted to look at the Internet on Jerry’s computer. As for taking a shower, he said Coach Sandusky told him, “All the guys do!”

None of this sat right with Deb McCord.

She began a flurry of activity that would put Sandusky in a lot of hot water outside the shower room. Only the odd intervention of the local district attorney, Ray Gricar, would save Jerry Sandusky.

Zach was already seeing a psychologist in town for some behavioral issues. The first thing the next morning McCord called the psychologist’s emergency voicemail line, and asked her to return her call quickly, before her kids awoke.

The psychologist, Alycia Chambers, recalled that McCord told her, “‘I need you to tell me I’m crazy,‘ because she did not want to believe that her suspicions were true.”

Chambers told Zach’s mother that she “was not overreacting and that she should proceed with reporting” her concerns about Sandusky showering with the boy.

It’s important to note that McCord and Chambers were independent of Second Mile, the Pennsylvania Department of Public Welfare, Penn State University, and the knot of conflicted interests and players that Sandusky had brought together in State College.

McCord knew a policeman’s wife, who shared with her some contact numbers for the police.

At 11 am that morning, McCord phoned Detective Ron Schreffler of the Penn State University police department. She complained that a member of the university staff had been showering with her son.

Schreffler worked for the university police department since 1972. One former officer with the department tells me that Schreffler was often given the department’s most important and “sensitive” cases, including those involving bomb scares and sports gambling.

Both Schreffler and psychologist Chambers would, in the days following, write reports about all this, providing us with some of the few contemporaneous records, and fresh memories, of these events.

Officer Schreffler asked McCord to bring her son down to the police department. The boy and his mother arrived within the half hour, Schreffler writes in his report.

From the start, Schreffler noticed several interesting things about young Zach.

Zach, Schreffler noted, was very cool, and didn’t seem to hold a grudge against Sandusky. Zach seemed to like Sandusky, and repeatedly said he didn’t to want to get the coach in any trouble. For the most part, the boy had a good memory (other than a blackout following the shower). And he was very talkative.

In other words, Zach was a policeman’s dream.

“He was very laid back,” Schreffler recalled years later of Zach. It was Zach’s mother who appeared to be the most agitated and upset.

Schreffler immediately set about to tape-record an interview with Zach. Zach repeated his account of what had happened the night before with Sandusky.

Toward the end of the interview, Zach said something that would be of interest to any good cop.

Zach told Detective Schreffler that he had a friend named Brandon, who also was in the Second Mile. Zach said he’d asked Brandon if he’d ever gone into the shower with Sandusky.

Brandon, Zach told the cops, said that Sandusky had wrestled with him, and had squeezed him in the shower.

It’s worth stepping back for a moment to consider what Zach had just told the cops.

For years Sandusky had been molesting kids with impunity. Matt, Dustin and Brett, and no doubt other kids close to Sandusky, at the time were being sexually molested.

The police now had one victim who was talking, and they knew the identity of a second victim.

Years later, in 2012, when Sandusky was finally brought to trial, young witnesses like these, and others like them, would be the deciding factor in convicting the coach.

Now, in 1998, it was the job of the cops, and District Attorney Ray Gricar, to find the other victimized kids, interview them, and stop Sandusky from doing further harm.

Like many small-town cops, PSU’s Officer Schreffler had some idea what to do. He also had an idea what not to do with the case.

The same afternoon he interviewed Zach, Schreffler took two important steps.

At about 1 pm, he reported Zach’s story to the Centre County Children and Youth agency. He spoke with caseworker John Miller.

At 4 pm, Schreffler contacted Assistant District Attorney Karen Arnold, who worked for DA Gricar.

“I contacted (the DA’s office) early on in the investigation because of the allegations and the fact that Karen Arnold was the assistant district attorney that was handling child-related cases, so I wanted to get them on board right away,” Schreffler says.

Schreffler would further explain to Louis Freeh’s staff in January 2012 that, “he decided to call the prosecutor at the outset of the investigation so he did not have to ‘worry about Old Man sticking their nose in the investigation,’ which he knew from experience could occur.”

In other words, Detective Schreffler was concerned about possible interference from his higher-ups at Penn State. As we now know, this was a real concern.

During their first phone conversation, Assistant DA Karen Arnold told Detective Schreffler to interview “everyone” — including Zach’s friend Brandon — “as soon as possible.”

A few hours later, at 6 pm that same night, Center County CYS case worker John Miller arrived at Schreffler’s office. The two went together to Brandon’s house and interviewed the second boy at about 8 pm that night.

Brandon’s story would be familiar to the other boys. He told the investigators he’d met Sandusky through the Second Mile program, and that he’d been on campus twice with the coach.

“Sandusky took (Brandon) to the gym to lift weights,” Schreffler wrote in his 1998 report. The boy “said that they used the treadmill and the universal gym. He also said that he wrestled ‘Jerry’ and he tried to pin Jerry.”

Brandon “went on to say that he had taken a shower with ‘Jerry.’ (W)hile in the shower ‘Jerry’ come up from behind and lifted him up in a bear hug. Brandon demonstrated used a chair how he was hugged.”

The police now had two witnesses on record. And both boys were quite talkative and helpful.

Jerry Sandusky now was tantalizingly close to getting caught.

All the police now had to do, obviously, was to identify and interview the other Second Mile victims, such as Matt, Dustin, and Brett (and God knows who else), and Sandusky’s goose would be cooked.

But unusual interference from higher-ups in the DA’s office, and Children and Youth Services, prevented that from happening.

Enter Ray Gricar and PA DPW

The next day, on May 5, 1998, officials at the Centre County Children and Youth office held a meeting to decide “what to do,” according to notes found in Freeh’s report.

CYS officials advised Detective Schreffler that they’d decided to kick the Sandusky matter upstairs, to their overseers in the Pennsylvania Department of Public Welfare in Harrisburg.

The reasons for kicking the matter upstairs, and who was involved in this decision, aren’t clear, and deserve thorough public investigation. The stated reason concerned conflicts of interest. But it was also because Sandusky was considered a VIP. Think football. Second Mile. Foster home. Referrals. Contracts.

The local CYS office had multiple long-standing conflicts of interest with Sandusky’s Second Mile.

Most obviously, CYS had contracts to place kids in Second Mile’s foster home, while Second Mile’s executive director, Jack Raykovitz, held a contract with Centre County CYS to perform child evaluations.

But the conflicts ran deeper than that.

In his 2012 report (itself financed by Penn State), former FBI director Louis Freeh attempts to superficially explain some of what happened next, and why:

“There were several conflicts of interest with (Centre County) CYS’s involvement in the case (e.g., CYS had various contracts with Second Mile including placement of children in a Second Mile residential program; the Second Mile’s executive director had a contract with CYS to conduct children’s evaluations; and the initial referral sheet from [psychologist Alycia] Chambers indicated the case might involve a foster child). In light of these conflicts, the (state) Department of Public Welfare (‘DPW’) took over the case from CYS on May 5, 1998. DPW officials in Harrisburg, Pennsylvania took the lead because of Sandusky’s high profile and assigned it to caseworker Jerry Lauro.”

Even so, the state DPW would soon kick the matter back down to the county Children and Youth agency. Why was this? Who was involved in this decision(s)? Again, the matter requires full public investigation.

Detective Schreffler says, “when I first contacted Centre County Children and Youth Services, they contacted the State Department of Welfare, stating that the State Department of Welfare was going to take over the investigation, and then it went back to the county. There was some confusion there.”

State DPW investigator Lauro would now sit in on some of the interviews with Detective Schreffler.

Even so, within a few days, by May 9, the state DPW kicked the case back down to Centre County CYS, and the local agency appointed its own counselor, John Seasock, to interview Zach. (At the time, Seasock was not licensed by the state.) This despite the fact that Zach had already been “evaluated” by his own licensed state-registered psychologist, Dr. Chambers.

Seasock, I should add, was under contract with the county CYS agency.

As such, both the state and local children and youth protective agencies were already deeply involved, and share blame.

“We were totally against it,” Schreffler says of Seasock’s evaluation of Zach. “The District Attorney did not want it. The police did not want it.”

Who wanted Seasock involved?

“Children and Youth Services and the State Department of Welfare,” Schreffler recounts. But he mentions no names.

Freeh relates, “During the (May 9) meeting with Seasock the boy described the incident with Sandusky. Given that the boy did not feel forced to engage in any activity and did not voice discomfort to Sandusky, Seasock opined that ‘there seems to be no incident which could be termed as sexual abuse, nor did there appear to be any sequential pattern of logic and behavior which is usually consistent with adults who have difficulty with sexual abuse of children.’ Seasock’s report ruled out that the boy ‘had been placed in a situation where he was being groomed for future sexual victimization.’” (This incidentally was at odds with psychologist Chambers’ evaluation; Chambers clearly recognized Sandusky’s grooming pattern.)

After speaking with Zach, CYS’s Seasock would issue a report exonerating Sandusky.

Freeh writes, “On May 9, 1998, Schreffler discussed the outcome of Seasock’s evaluation with Seasock. While Seasock said he identified some ‘gray areas,’ he did not find evidence of abuse and had never heard of a 52 year old man ‘becoming a pedophile.’ When Schreffler questioned Seasock’s awareness of details of the boy’s experience, Seasock acknowledged he was not aware of many of the concerns Schreffler raised but stated Sandusky ‘didn’t fit the profile of a pedophile,’ and that he couldn’t find any indication of child abuse.”

Freeh, in his report, moreover notes, “Seasock served as an independent contractor at Penn State from 2000 to 2006. His first payment from Penn State was made on April 20, 2000 for $1,236.86. His total payments were $11,448.86. The Special Investigative Counsel did not find any evidence to suggest that these payments had any relation to Seasock’s work on the Sandusky case in 1998. According to the Second Mile’s counsel, there was no business relationship between Seasock and the Second Mile.”

(I’ll note that Freeh himself was paid $6.5 million by Penn State to produce his incomplete report, which many have since called poorly undertaken, selective, and a whitewash.)

The bottom line, of course, is that counselor Seasock got things wrong.

Seasock, like DPW’s Lauro, in fact got things dreadfully and tragically wrong.

DA Gricar orders appearance of an investigation

Even so, we should keep in mind, Seasock, CYS, and the Pennsylvania Department of Public Welfare did not oversee the police, or the Centre County District Attorney’s office.

That job belonged to DA Ray Gricar.

A few days into the investigation Gricar strangely intervened, and removed Assistant DA Karen Arnold from the case.

“Ray was my boss and he said he would handle it,” former ADA Arnold told me. “I only had the Sandusky case for a few days. I don’t know why Ray handled it the way he did. I can’t read his mind. I’m not a mind reader.”

“I had talked to Karen Arnold, I would say, probably at least two or three occasions, and Mr. Gricar at least two occasions,” Schreffler remembers.

As criminologists, and not social workers, Gricar and his law enforcement team had to do one thing, and one thing only, to crack the case: they had to identify and interview the many Second Mile kids surrounding and victimized by Jerry Sandusky.

Matt, Dustin, Brett and the others. In fact, a circa-1998 photo shows Sandusky surrounded by many of these victims.

But no one would interview these kids for almost 15 years

Detective Schreffler explains what instead happened: “(I) contacted the DA’s office, gave them an update of what was going on, and there was a subsequent plan to make another phone call to Mr. Sandusky with the intent of having him come back to (Zach’s) house to solicit more conversation.”

Rather than trying to locate and interview more victimized Second Mile kids, as was required to crack the case and protect the kids, Gricar’s plan became to try to trap Sandusky into implicating himself.

For some reason Gricar thought everything hinged on a mea culpa from Sandusky. But it didn’t work.

The plan was to have Zach’s mom call Sandusky and to ask the coach to drop by her house as a subterfuge for the cops to overhear what he might say. This would happen not once but twice, while Det. Schreffler and two different State College borough cops eavesdropped from other rooms.

On one of these visits, Sandusky would famously tell Zach’s mother, “I understand. I was wrong. I wish I could get forgiveness. I know I won’t get it from you. I wish I were dead.”

Freeh writes, “Sometime between May 27, 1998 and June 1, 1998, the local District Attorney (Ray Gricar) declined to prosecute Sandusky for his actions with the boy in the shower in the Lasch Building on May 3, 1998. A senior administrator of a local victim resource center familiar with the 1998 incident said the case against Sandusky was ’severely hampered’ by Seasock’s report.”

Gricar’s defenders say that the case was fatally undercut by the actions of the Pennsylvania Department of Public Welfare.

No doubt DPW muddied the waters. (Freeh notes that DPW informed police on May 13, 1998 that the state agency wanted to “resolve the matter quickly.”)

But leaving the blame solely on the incompetence or conflicts of the state DPW and county Children and Youth Agency doesn’t ring true.

The social workers, the psychologists, the cops and the DA’s office could have, had they chosen to do so, pushed the case, together or separately.

This in fact is what finally broke the case years later.

Instead, in 1998, those involved, including DA Ray Gricar, collectively decided not to push the case.

On June 1, perhaps even after DA Gricar decided to close the case, Schreffler and DPW’s Jerry Lauro interviewed Sandusky.

In their interview with Sandusky, Det. Schreffler took Seasock’s advice.

Freeh writes, “Seasock recommended that someone speak with Sandusky about what is acceptable with young children and explained, ‘The intent of the conversation with Mr. Sandusky is not to cast dispersion (sic) upon his actions but to help him stay out of such gray area situations in the future.’”

Schreffler explains that he and Lauro “advised (Sandusky) that we were investigating an allegation of an incident that occurred on May 3rd between 7 and 9 p.m. and started talking to him about Zachary. During the course of the interview, (we) asked him if he had ever been in the shower with other young boys. He stated that he had. He was asked if there was anything sexual that took place. He said not. He was concerned about the effect it would have on Zach as far as if he did anything to upset Zach. The interview as far as my questioning probably was about 15 minutes.

“I did say to (Sandusky), ‘I would tell you not to shower with young boys again,’ and he stated something to the effect he did think maybe it was inappropriate, that he wouldn’t do it again.”

Sandusky obviously was lying. Even so, he got the telegraph from DPW and DA Gricar.

Jerry Sandusky would never again attempt to shower with, or molest, Zach.

It would be a different story with other boys.

Detective Schreffler says he phoned DA Gricar after this June 1 interview with Sandusky.

“I felt there should be some charges, something, but the DA didn’t feel there should be,” Schreffler says. It was DA Gricar’s decision, Schreffler adds.

At the end of his 12-page, 1998 police report, Det. Schreffler wrote, “Reporting Officer advised Sandusky not to shower with any child. Sandusky stated he wouldn’t. CASE CLOSED.”

It’s worth recapping the large number of officials and agencies that were ineffectively involved in this failed 1998 police incident: the Penn State University police; State College Borough Police; the Centre County DA’s office; Centre County Children and Youth (including unknown managers, a caseworker and a psychologist); the Pennsylvania Department of Public Welfare (including unknown officials and an investigator).

Other questions remain: Did DA Gricar consult with anyone in Harrisburg, at the attorney general’s office? A review of Gricar’s telephone and mail records is warranted.

The bottom line is that none of these agencies or individuals did much to stop Jerry Sandusky, or to help the victimized kids, who could have been easily found.

The obvious should be stated: a complete public investigation of this 1998 incident is required to determine the causes of these systemic failures, and to ensure that it won’t happen again.

Smart career move

As for DA Ray Gricar, Louis Freeh’s report notes, “The District Attorney at the time of the 1998 incident has been missing for several years and has been declared dead.”

DA Gricar was set to retire later in2005, a few months after his mysterious and famous disappearance.

Had he lived, Ray Gricar certainly would have taken heat for stopping the 1998 investigation involving Zach and Brandon.Due to DA Gricar’s inactions, Sandusky would be given a green light.

Thanks in large part to Gricar, Jerry Sandusky would proceed to molest a long list of kids with impunity.

Thanks to Ray Gricar, the stage was set for all that was to come.

For Ray Gricar, his disappearance would turn out to be a smart career move.

TIMELINE OF 1998 CYS/DPW INVESTIGATION by Ray Blehar

May 3, 1998 9:00PM Victim 6 dropped off at home by Sandusky.

May 4, 1998 7:43AM Mother of Victim 6 calls Dr. Chambers.

May 4, 1998 11:25AM Mother and Victim 6 report incident to police.

May 4, 1998 12:25PM[1] Police Det. Schreffler explains incident to J. Miller, CYS.

May 4, 1998 3:00PM Victim 6 and Mother meet with Dr. Chambers.

May 4, 1998 8:10PM Miller and Schreffler interview B.K. (friend of V6).

May 4, 1998 9:30PM Miller and Schreffler re-interview Victim 6.

May 5, 1998 9:00AM CYS holds meeting to decide “what to do.”

May 5, 1998 1:55PM J. Lauro, DPW, informs Police he will be assigned to case.

Lauro states Sandusky will be interviewed on 7 May.

May 7, 1998 11:00AM Lauro meets with police.

Lauro rec’d transcribed interviews of V6 & B.K.

Lauro reviewed case file of J. Miller (CYS).

May 7, 1998 11:15AM Lauro and police go to residence of Victim 6.

Lauro interviews mother of Victim 6.

May 7, 1998 ADA Arnold advises police to postpone evaluation of V6.

May 8, 1998 11:20AM Police inform CYS to postpone evaluation of V6.

May 8, 1998 11:40AM[2] Police inform DPW to postpone evaluation of V6.

May 8, 1998 11:55AM Lauro informs police to DPW is going forward with evaluation.

May 8, 1998 2:00PM Victim 6 evaluated by John Seasock, contractor of CYS.

May 9, 1998 12:30PM Seasock informs police of results of evaluation of V6.

Seasock states Sandusky does not fit profile of a pedophile.

May 11, 1998 3:10PM Seasock returns call of mother of Victim 6. Advises Sandusky’s

calls to her son are customary weekly follow ups by Second Mile.

Mother states her daughter who is SM is not called weekly.

May 13, 1998 Police informed that DPW wants to “resolve the matter quickly.”

< 18 day inactive period >

June 1, 1998 11:00AM Schreffler and Lauro interview Sandusky. Determine no sexual assault occurred.

[1] According to Pa. 055 § 3490.171 (b) CYS was required to immediately file a report with ChildLine (DPW) and according to Pa. 055 § 3490.56 (a), CYS was required to notify The Second Mile within 24 hours of receipt of the report of suspected abuse. (4)(b) The Second Mile was required to implement a plan of supervision. (4)(c) CYS was also required to notify The Second Mile of the results of the investigation.

[2] See Appendix A, 1998 University Park Police Report, page 10

[1] See Appendix A, 1998 University Park Police Report, page 10
 
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Column: Jumping to Conclusions

Lou Prato
Special to BlueWhiteIllustrated.com

Since the early days of the child abuse scandal that has changed Penn State forever, I have been appalled by the lack of due process and the frenzied rush to judgment.

No one has been hurt more than the victims and their families, but thousands of others - including most Penn State graduates and many, many central Pennsylvania residents - who had absolutely no involvement with or knowledge of Jerry Sandusky's heinous crimes are being punished simply because of their loyalty to their school or their association with it. All this is exemplified by the woefully deficient Freeh report and the draconian sanctions placed on the football team by a hypocritical, sanctimonious and power-hungry NCAA leadership.

This is not a defense of Joe Paterno, Tim Curley, Gary Schultz, Graham Spanier and others who are part of current criminal proceedings and continued investigations, or may be in the future. In that regard, I again stress the need to allow the judicial process to run its course before making final judgments on what those four did or did not do in this case. Nor is this a tirade against the biased, agenda-driven portions of the media that are so convinced of their own infallibility that they have already prejudged individuals and Penn State as an entity and have persuaded a majority of the public to do the same. We'll leave that discourse for another time.

My grievance here is with a special group of people connected to the Freeh report. First, there is the Penn State administration and board of trustees that hired Louis Freeh's consulting group at $6.5 million and meekly accepted without public challenge the final report as factual and indisputably truthful. Second is Freeh himself, with his own baggage, his team of unidentified investigators and the hundreds of anonymous "witnesses" who were questioned in secret by the committee - none of whom gave sworn testimony under oath no matter what they said.

Then there was Freeh's premature news conference, held only an hour after the report was released, giving none of the media proper time to read it all and fully analyze it.

With Penn State's grossly apologetic and self-serving officials turning a defective report into gospel, Mark Emmert and the NCAA's 21-person executive committee and 18-person Division I board of directors pounced, and for their own reasons went beyond the NCAA's own legal structure to destroy and humiliate the university as much as they could. We now know from Penn State president Rodney Erickson and legal counsel that the NCAA used strains of blackmail and extortion to be the judge, jury and executioner without any independent investigation whatsoever.

Finally, there was the equally self-righteous and surprising attitude of Jim Delany and the Big Ten leaders who jumped on the overflowing Freeh-NCAA bandwagon with an additional threat of even more harsh punishment for the foreseeable future.

It is beyond my comprehension how any fair-minded, unbiased and responsible person, one who understands how the Freeh report developed and has read it in detail, can accept the 267-page document as the ultimate truth. Even more inconceivable, many people within the media and the public have refused to read the report yet have attacked Penn State and anyone associated with the university - frequently in the most nasty and vitriolic language - for supposedly harboring a serial pedophile for years strictly to benefit the football program.

Dozens of people, including many with solid legal backgrounds and many with no ties to Penn State, have dissected and analyzed the Freeh report in minute detail. Anyone truly interested in a countering view of the document can easily find many of those evaluations on the Internet.

From what I have read of these analyses and from my own examination of the report, there are two parts that are not being overly criticized, but are still open for clarification and additional concrete evidence. These are contained in chapters eight and 10 regarding requirements for reporting child sex abuse and recommendations for the future protection of children at Penn State.

But the rest of the report is loaded with inaccuracies, distortions, innuendoes, misinformation, inconsistencies and arguable conclusions. It also is incomplete in many aspects, including the lack of personal interviews with several people still entangled in formal criminal proceedings. And many of the key elements depend on seven handwritten notes and several selected e-mails and documents out of 3.5 million that were turned over to the investigators.

The most egregious and incendiary distortion of all is contained in the initial findings on page 14 that allege a "total and consistent disregard by the most senior leaders at Penn State for the safety and welfare of Sandusky's child victims" and that "Four of the most powerful people at Penn State [Spanier, Schultz, Curley and Paterno]... failed to protect against a child sexual predator harming children for over a decade. These men concealed Sandusky's activities from the Board of Trustees, the University community and authorities. They exhibited a striking lack of empathy for Sandusky's victims by failing to inquire as to their safety and well-being…"

That charge is pure conjecture without legal factual proof and ignores the evidence that there were only two known accusations against Sandusky from 1998 to 2001 - one of which was investigated thoroughly and dismissed by the district attorney - until late 2008. It is precisely these inflammatory findings that have the media and public so angry at Penn State.

Freeh claims his report is authenticated by 702 endnotes and 60 footnotes. By my count, 429 endnotes indicated a least one interview to support a specific statement, with 59 citing anywhere from two to 18 interviews to back up a reference. Of the 60 footnotes, only two included interviews: five involving the university's Office of Student Affairs and three regarding Mike McQueary's qualifications to be promoted from a graduate assistant to assistant coach in 2004. These are not trivial statistics.

On page 9 of the report, the Special Investigative Counsel states that it conducted "over 430 interviews of key University personnel and other knowledgeable individuals to include: current and former University Trustees and Emeritus Trustees; current and former University administrators, faculty, and staff, including coaches; former University student-athletes; law enforcement officials; and members of the State College community at the University Park, Berhend, Altoona, Harrisburg, Wilkes-Barre campuses, and at other locations in Delaware, Pennsylvania, New York, Maryland and the District of Columbia, by telephone..."

The statement may appear to be overwhelming and conclusive. It is not. It doesn't mean all those interviewed are represented in the document. Nor is there any way of knowing from the report whether 434 different individuals were cited in the endnotes-footnotes or far, far fewer. Surely, there were many interviewees who took exception to the interrogators' line of questioning. Nor does it mean the committee should not have interviewed 430 additional individuals who may have refuted or disputed what the others told them.

Most significant, not one of the interviewees was identified in a footnote or endnote (although some were identified in the text and a few were obvious by their position) and that is what I find reprehensible about the document. No one had to go on the record with sworn testimony. And because interview transcripts are not available as part of the appendices, it's impossible to know how truly independent and unbiased Freeh and his investigators were.

Of course, it's impractical for me to detail all my concerns about the report in this short column. But there are three areas that caught my immediate attention because they epitomize for me the deceptive nature of the document: 1) the reliance on information about discipline from the Office of Student Affairs without any rebuttal; 2) the interpretation of the crucial 1998 child abuse investigation that never reached the criminal court; and 3) an uncalled for cheap shot aimed at the working relationship of Curley and Paterno.

And these do not count the dearth of data regarding the actions of Gov. Tom Corbett and the Second Mile charity, whose direct ties to Penn State fell under the Freeh committee's broad investigative mandate as stated on pages 4 and 5.

The first OSA matter is critical to Freeh's conclusion that Paterno and his football program were out of control and isolated from the rest of the university. It centers on an analysis in chapter four of the hearsay evidence presented at the Sandusky trial concerning a now-deceased janitor telling two fellow workers he saw Sandusky with a child in a shower in 2000. One of the janitors told the committee his friend was afraid to report the incident because "Paterno has so much power" and all of them would have been fired, adding this sentence: "He explained 'football runs this University,' and said the University would have closed ranks to protect the football program at all costs." To back up that sentence and others preceding it about Paterno's alleged omnipotence and his "excessive influence at the university" there's a long footnote (pages 65-66) referring to the OSA and a well-known off-campus fight in 2007 involving the discipline of football players.

The footnote credits the head of the OSA at the time - Vicky Triponey, who is not mentioned by name - as telling the committee she "perceived pressure from the Athletics Department, and particularly the football program, to treat players in ways that would maintain their ability to play sports," and that Spanier later reduced the sanctions OSA imposed on the players. Since the scandal broke, Triponey has been saying this and more to a susceptible media unwilling to seek out a countering view. Thus far, no one has publicly rebutted her. One who might - Curley - cannot talk about it now for legal reasons. If Spanier told the committee anything about the disciplinary situation in 2007 during his interviews, it isn't mentioned. And, of course, Paterno isn't alive to tell his side of the story.

There is no indication the investigators talked to anyone who might have a different opinion or looked into Triponey's credibility - which is suspect. Almost from the day she was hired, she battled constantly with the university's student leaders, not just the athletic department and Paterno. Those student leaders were so angry about her dictatorial style they set up a Web page that still exists: The Vicky Triponey Timeline of Terror.

Furthermore, even before her arrival, the Judicial Affairs branch of the OSA was considered by a large segment of students and local attorneys to be a "kangaroo court." In fact, what really precipitated Triponey's sudden departure - she only recently admitted publicly that she was fired - was an extensive review of Judicial Affairs in 2007 by a campus-wide academic committee that Spanier had commissioned. When Triponey strenuously objected to the committee recommendations that Spanier adopted, she was given the opportunity to resign or be terminated.

Anyone can read that committee report at safeguardoldstate.org. Obviously, Freeh and his committee didn't. Or if they did, the information they would have found there is not cited in their report. The recommendations are quite revealing. Unless the rules have changed again, no longer does Judicial Affairs have absolute authority over student discipline. That responsibility is now shared by all colleges and departments within the university structure, including Intercollegiate Athletics. Apparently, the Special Investigative Counsel also didn't feel it was worth his time to interview those attorneys who defended the players in the 2007 incident and in other disciplinary cases prior to that.

Triponey is significant not only to the Freeh report but to the perception that Paterno is the ultimate villain in this scandal. Shortly after the scandal erupted, Triponey launched a media blitz that continues to this day, an effort that has turned her into a revered whistle-blower. The headline on a CNN.com story from July 15 - "The woman who stood up to Joe Paterno" - has since been copied by other unchallenging media outlets.

So, if the Freeh Group was remiss in conducting an incomplete probe and making premature assessments of the OSA, one wonders what other deficiencies are contained in the report.

The May 1998 report of Sandusky taking a shower with a boy is the crux of this entire scandal. That incident spawned everything that followed, including the Freeh Group's allegation of a cover-up by Spanier, Schultz, Curley and Paterno. The aftermath of the 1998 incident is too detailed and complex to go into here, but three things bother me about the Freeh Report's conclusions.

First, those conclusions are based primarily on selected emails that may have been taken out of context and grand jury testimony that is an integral part of a continuing criminal proceeding and has yet to be proven in court. Second, no one knew in 1998 that Sandusky was a serial child sex abuser. False accusations of child abuse can be devastating to the accused and are common; a close friend of mine had one in his family a few years ago. If there is a second accusation, as there was with Sandusky in 2001, then the alarm bells should go off. That is why Freeh seems to be on firmer ground in his investigation of the 2001 McQueary encounter. But even here, his findings are suppositions. The truth is still to be determined, and many questions remain unanswered. Third, after the 1998 incident was investigated by the Penn State police, Department of Welfare, and Children and Youth Services, the district attorney declined to press charges. So to use 1998 as the benchmark for irresponsibility and a 14-year cover-up - as Freeh and the NCAA have done - is clearly disingenuous.

Finally, the uncalled for snide remark on page 75 and other such innuendoes spread throughout the document are indicative of the derisive tone of the report. In trying to claim that Paterno, not Curley, was the de facto athletics director, the report stated that a "senior Penn State official referred to Curley as Paterno's 'errand boy.' " That derogatory remark was out of line and should not have been included in a report from an experienced, high-profile professional like Freeh because it was followed by a second sentence attributed to two different interviewees that basically made the same point: "Athletic Department staff said Paterno's words carried a lot of weight with Curley, who would run big decisions by Paterno."

A recent editorial in the Pittsburgh Post-Gazette, entitled "Valley of denial: Some Penn State supporters don't get it," praised Freeh personally and his report. The editorial went on to attack Penn Staters who have challenged Freeh, the board of trustees and the NCAA sanctions, characterizing them as "myopic" supporters with a "self-destructive attitude" and "addicted to the football program and obsessed with old coach Joe Paterno."

What the editorial proves is that ignorance, conceit, bias and irresponsibility have no bounds in today's media. Penn Staters get it, all right. Too bad we have to go through such media and public bitterness to prove it.
 
Freeh Lied About 1998 and Here's The Proof

by Ray Blehar

I'm willing to let the determination of the authenticity of the Freeh Report exhibits to the document forensics and computer forensics experts and put my focus back on analyzing information and determining if Freeh's findings can be supported by the evidence in his report.

Let's take a look back at the evidence that erased 111 wins from the record book back to 1998 -- that PSU officials were aware of a child sexual abuse investigation of Sandusky and were continuously updated on the investigation's progress.

Communications in the 1998 Sandusky Investigation

Report Finding (p 39): "While no information indicates University leaders interfered with the investigation, Spanier, Schultz, Paterno, and Curley were kept informed of the investigation."

Freeh Comment: "Paterno was made aware of the 1998 investigation of Sandusky and followed it closely.

Report Finding (p.15): "By not promptly and fully advising the Board of Trustees about the 1998....child sex abuse allegations against Sandusky...."

Analysis: The e-mails from exhibits 2A to 2F and the Notes at 2H and 2I were put in a spreadsheet in chronological order. Updates in the spreadsheet are noted in green blocks. Red blocks indicate the communications that closed the investigation. Red type indicates information provided by Harmon that Schultz does not communicate to Tim Curley and/or Graham Spanier.
 
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Freeh Lied About 1998 and Here's The Proof

by Ray Blehar

I'm willing to let the determination of the authenticity of the Freeh Report exhibits to the document forensics and computer forensics experts and put my focus back on analyzing information and determining if Freeh's findings can be supported by the evidence in his report.

Let's take a look back at the evidence that erased 111 wins from the record book back to 1998 -- that PSU officials were aware of a child sexual abuse investigation of Sandusky and were continuously updated on the investigation's progress.

Communications in the 1998 Sandusky Investigation

Report Finding (p 39): "While no information indicates University leaders interfered with the investigation, Spanier, Schultz, Paterno, and Curley were kept informed of the investigation."

Freeh Comment: "Paterno was made aware of the 1998 investigation of Sandusky and followed it closely.

Report Finding (p.15): "By not promptly and fully advising the Board of Trustees about the 1998....child sex abuse allegations against Sandusky...."

Analysis: The e-mails from exhibits 2A to 2F and the Notes at 2H and 2I were put in a spreadsheet in chronological order. Updates in the spreadsheet are noted in green blocks. Red blocks indicate the communications that closed the investigation. Red type indicates information provided by Harmon that Schultz does not communicate to Tim Curley and/or Graham Spanier.


Conclusion 1:
Freeh's finding that PSU officials were kept informed of the investigation is not supported by the evidence.

Spanier received no updates on the progress of the investigation.
Curley received two updates: one on May 5th and one on May 14th.
Schultz, as the overseer of the police, received just two updates, the latest update coming on May 13th. The investigation ran a total of 37 days and the officials did not receive an update between May 15 and June 1st.

Conclusion 2: Freeh's comment that "Paterno was made aware of the 1998 investigation of Sandusky and followed it closely" is not supported by evidence.

There is no direct evidence that Paterno was ever informed of the 1998 investigation. Under the assumption that Curley was providing updates to Paterno, then Paterno would have received 2 updates on May 5 and May 14th and none thereafter until the closure.

Conclusion 3: Freeh's finding that Spanier was aware of a 1998 child sexual abuse investigation of Sandusky is not supported by evidence.

In Exhibit 2E, Schultz's e-mail to Curley, Spanier, and Harmon states the case is closed, but Schultz filters out the information (from Exhibit 2D) regarding Sandusky having the same account as the child and that Sandusky had done this (showered) with other children before. There is no direct evidence that Schultz ever communicated the details of the investigation he learned from Harmon on 5/4 and 5/5 to Spanier or anyone else. Given the filtering from 2D to 2E, it is reasonable to assume that Schultz provided the bare minimum of information to Curley during the investigation.

What Did PSU Officials Know About the 1998 Investigation?
It is reasonable to conclude that Gary Schultz knew the most details about the 1998 investigation and that it had the potential of resulting in charges related to child sexual abuse.

Based on the evidence, it is reasonable to conclude that Tim Curley and Graham Spanier were aware of an investigation of Jerry Sandusky that involved one or more children, that Jerry Sandusky was emotional about the investigation, and concerned about how it affected the child. However , it is not reasonable to assume that PSU officials (Curley and Spanier) were aware that the 1998 investigation could have resulted in charges of child sexual abuse.

Don't Blame the NCAA for Vacating the Wins -- That's on the PSU BOT
The fact that the 1998 investigation was investigated and that there were no charges filed against Sandusky makes the NCAA ruling to vacate wins back to 1998 is an unnecessary and unfair punishment. However, the reason they punished PSU back to 1998 is because that's how Freeh framed the responsibility for Sandusky's crimes.

Had the PSU BOT's Special Investigatives Task Force had not made the irresponsible and grossly negligent decision to accept the Freeh Report without review, it is likely there would not be NCAA Sanctions nor would any of PSU's football victories been vacated.
Note: Special Investigations Task Force includes: Co-Chairs: Frazier and Tomalis; Members: Arnelle, Bluford, Dambly, Eckel, Hagen, Hughes, and Peetz.
 
Robyn76247

As a woman and a sports fan I want to say that you people at ESPN are nothing short of despicable. You were one of the first of many news outlets to exploit this story to the max and received huge ratings from doing so and continue to do so, despite the fact that you were tarnishing a man's life, his life's work, reputation, injuring his family, and misquoting the facts. Paterno ran a squeaky clean program from academics, to character building, to great football players and winning records. Is your only goal to diminish the works of a man who changed thousands of lives and created good, family men out of boys, and ran a top notch university program with the highest academic standards in college football? That certainly seems to be the case to me! So lets set the record straight, shall we? First, this scandal was all Jerry Sandusky's doing - and no one else's! There is no evidence that that shows any coverup! None of the incidents that took place at PSU even resulted in a conviction. In addition, there is no evidence of any "culture that allowed this" to take place! How can the NCAA sanction a university when there was no evidence of academic violations or a systemic issue within the university which allowed this to take place with a retired coach who was not on the university payroll nor otherwise employed by the university? This is way outside of their charter. They had no business issuing any sanctions until the legal investigations were completed and the facts were known. PSU coaches, staff, administrators, and players weren't covering this horrific thing up; they were blindsided by it. To try to make good people who didn't realize there was a monster in their midst into something criminal is in itself criminal. Look up the definition of slander and defamation of character. Furthermore, where were their sanctions against UVA when the lacrosse player committed murder? The NCAA had no jurisdiction nor precedence set on which to place any sanctions on PSU. It was and remains a criminal matter. Sandusky was not a coach employed by PSU at the time of the incidents, he was not on payroll, he was not part of the program, and there is no evidence which suggests that he was being protected by PSU, the administration, nor the other faculty members. If the police and social services people couldn't find any evidence of wrong doing for which to formally charge Sandusky, how can you hold PSU administrators and Joe Paterno accountable for it? Until a full, complete investigation was conducted and the trial concluded, there were no grounds for sanctions, and any and all sanctions were premature at best! Now that there were no convictions for incidents that supposedly took place on PSU property, have the sanctions been? Why not? There is no evidence of a systemic issue within PSU. Where's the wrong doing on the part of the university? Are the wins and trophies being returned? There is no evidence that Joe Paterno played any part in this "scandal" or any kind of coverup. How can you continue to condone the NCAA to sanction a program which: 1.Had no involvement in the incidents. The man convicted is in prision paying for his crimes. The players whose wins were taken away played no role in these crimes. They have been sanctioned without cause. 2. Had no evidence of any systemic issues which resulted in or enabled these crimes to be committed. In fact, the evidence is that it was people within the program that reported it and brought it to light! It was reported to and investigated by the police and social services and no evidence was found to file formal charges against Sandusky! 3. The person committing the crimes was not a member of any sports programs or curriculum at PSU. 4. There is no evidence that any person within the football program made any attempt to cover up the incidents. In fact, it was people within that program that were the basis for the charges brought against Sandusky! 5. None of the incidents that were reported to have taken place on PSU campuses or in PSU facilities resulted in a conviction. As noted, they've tried to reason with the NCAA and provided them ample opportunity to reverse their unfair position. They have failed to correct their wrong-doing. The wins and trophies from which PSU has been stripped is unfair. Those players, faculty and alumni had no wrong-doing in these incidents and have been unfairly sanctioned. The NCAA way overstepped their boundaries. If they want to avoid the lawsuit, they should do the right this and reinstate Paterno's wins, the team's trophies, and take their deserved lumps. Perhaps the sanctioning body needs sanctioned. They missed the mark on this one boys, and shame on you for continuing to support their unsubstantiated sanctions against PSU, continuing to blacken the eye of a great university and football program, and defame the character of one of the greatest men in the sport. Shame on you all. (I am not a graduate of PSU, nor am I a personal friend of the Paternos. I just want to see justice for a great man who inspired thousands of well-educated men on and off the football field).
 
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